The second Tamil-speaking Opposition leader, who played a pivotal role in the creation of the sovereign State of Sri Lanka, passed away on 30 June. He was also the oldest member of the Ninth Parliament, established under the Constitution of the Second Republic. At the age of 91 years, four months, and 20 days, he witnessed the formation of the first State Council and the tenure of the second President elected by Parliament. His death marks the end of an era in Sri Lankan politics. There is a cultural adage often cited as a benchmark for an independent existence: “No Debt and No Fear.”

If we consider that as a fictitious criterion to analyse the character of Sampanthan, he emerges as a truly fearless man with no debt to the country or society. What does a consideration of his long – standing period in Parliament tell us? His long  involvement in politics clearly shows that he, while he was appointed as the Opposition Leader, has never sought any position. Compared to other leaders in the country, it is not an exaggeration to say he has remained a steadfast figure surpassing the seniors such as Maithripala Sirisena and Dinesh Gunawardena. Mahathir Mohamad, who shares a close age gap with Sampanthan, was elected Prime Minister of Malaysia at the age of 95 and is now in his 99th year. Sampanthan represented an ethnic group with a numerically low percentage in the country, making his role as the Leader of the Opposition quite surprising to many. In 2016, a proposal emerged to establish a system for appointing leaders like Sampanthan to national positions. The Lal Wijenayake Committee, tasked with proposing a new constitution, recommended creating a Vice Presidential Post for the two main ethnic groups not represented by the President. However, it is doubtful that such a proposal was widely known or considered by the majority of the Ninth Parliament.

R. Sampanthan, also known as Rajavarodiyam Sampanthan, was not simply a figure praised by his supporters. He faced significant opposition both in the South and the North of Sri Lanka. In the North, critics argued he lacked the radicalism they desired, while in the South, he was seen as the intellectual force behind the radical Northern youth. Even today, those who adhere to rigid stereotypes fail to appreciate the depth and sophistication of his modern political thought. Despite these challenges, Sampanthan maintained close relationships with many Southern leaders, attending their weddings and funerals. Despite his frail health and weakened speech, he was a regular presence at five-star hotels frequented by the diplomatic community and at high-level meetings where power dynamics were negotiated.

We believe Sampanthan’s presence would be vital at a time such as this, owing to the brilliantly colourful blend of his character. When we examine his life, alongside the names and places mentioned here, it becomes evident that he was a long-lived expert who navigated the complexities of Sri Lankan society with remarkable skill and resilience. His journey reflects a profound understanding and an unwavering commitment to his principles, making him a pivotal figure in the nation’s political landscape.

Those familiar with Sampanthan’s background know that he was educated at prestigious institutions such as St. Patrick’s College in Jaffna, St. Anne’s College in Kurunegala, St. Joseph’s College in Trincomalee, and St. Sebastian’s College in Moratuwa. As a young man, he was a very active Lawyer. He began his political journey with the Sri Lankan Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi Party (ITAK), founded by S.J.V. Chelvanayakam. Concurrently, he utilised the Federal Party as an alternative political current, moving away from a nationalist stance to sharpen his ideological perspective.

After that, Sampanthan was a prominent figure among the Tamil-speaking youth leaders who witnessed the devastation of Black July in 1983, the localism nationalistic policy promoted by the Samagi  Peramuna government, and the liberal economic model introduced by the Jayewardene government. Despite his significant presence, he was not a populist leader who consistently won Elections. He faced defeats in 1970 and 1989, and it was only in 1994 that he rejoined Parliament due to the assassination of his fellow MP A. Thangathurai.

Sampanthan’s most notable achievement in his challenging career may be the creation of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) in the early 2000s. At first glance, this alliance appeared to have the potential to rejuvenate the Sri Lankan political landscape by uniting various political parties, represented by young people with reformist left ideologies, and a group of young individuals who had temporarily laid down their arms after pursuing a radical path. However, what is the current situation?

Sampanthan is likely the last representative of the distinguished political generation from the past that we see today. Nevertheless, he was not without flaws. A couple of his issues are documented here.

The first issue is that Sampanthan’s approach to dealing with the South lacked future investment, despite enduring numerous insults and not receiving reciprocal affection from Southern leaders. His silence during critical moments, when the South could have been ignited by conflict, was notable. However, his continued silence even as Southern interests inflamed tensions in the North remains an inexplicable enigma.

Another issue is that as Sampanthan aged, instead of actively participating, he seemed to merely hold the Parliament Seat with minimal involvement. For instance, over the past four years, he attended Parliament on only 42 days while being absent for 332 days. It is not surprising that such a disparity reflects a broader issue, where the new generation’s approach to politics — often characterised by inaction — compounds the problem. This is a troubling trend seen across Sri Lanka, from the current President to the Secretary of the Ministry.

I will reiterate: The Sampanthan life is a blessing to Mother Sri Lanka.

The Bhagavad Gita identifies four types of character traits, one of which is ‘the man of wisdom.’ Sampanthan exemplifies this trait, having navigated a country fraught with inept rulers and left a lasting impact on the political landscape of the country.

-By Manjula Gajanayake

Larry, who bears the official title of Chief Mouser to the Cabinet Office at 10 Downing Street, will soon meet his newest companion, Labour’s Keir Starmer. Despite the recent changes of leadership at Downing Street, one thing remains constant: Larry, the Downing Street cat, has now set the record as the first Chief Mouser to serve under six prime ministers.

Larry, a pet cat residing in this world-famous office, has been bestowed with the charming official title of Chief Mouser by the British Government. However, this centre-left Prime Minister will not be a dull friend to Larry. Starmer’s colleagues in the Shadow Cabinet have been quoted as saying he is boring to be around. In response, The Guardian recently reported that Starmer had warned his colleagues not to make such remarks. Instead, he says: “What’s boring is being in Opposition.”Sir Keir Starmer will be the white and tabby cat’s sixth housemate. Larry prepares to welcome Britain’s new Prime Minister as he arrives at Downing Street. It is uncertain whether it will be a warm welcome or one of thrill and curiosity, as Starmer and his wife Victoria are coming to Downing Street with their rescue cat, Jojo.Starmer, rejuvenated and enthusiastic after the sensational victory achieved after 25 years in the history of British elections, will be special not only to the people of Britain but also to Larry. All five of the leaders Larry has met so far have been Conservatives, and Starmer, 61, is the first Labour Prime Minister in 14 years. Being in his company will undoubtedly inspire Larry.Why did Starmer and his beloved wife Victoria have to change their residence? After James Gordon Brown, who served as Prime Minister of Britain from 2007 to 2010, the British have continually chosen a Conservative Prime Minister. Since the landmark decision of Brexit, which was advanced by politicians like Boris Johnson and Nigel Farage in 2016, the British have struggled to regain the prosperity and status they once enjoyed.Amidst the dark clouds of a failing economy, the British had every reason to welcome Starmer as a herald of prosperity. Therefore, his victory as the Labour candidate was resoundingly confirmed by British voters, prompting the move for him and Victoria to 10 Downing Street.Labour PartyThe Labour Party managed to secure 412 seats in the British General Election, held under the single constituency system that Sri Lanka had embraced until the introduction of the Second Republican Constitution. This result easily surpassed the 326-seat threshold needed to take control of the 650-seat House of Commons. A notable factor in this landslide victory was that Labour won 209 more seats than in the 2019 election.Despite being the world’s sixth-largest economy, the Conservatives won only 121 seats, as political commentators had previously assumed, amidst rising poverty and the ever-increasing cost of living. The British public reclaimed 244 seats from the Conservatives since the 2019 election, reducing their count from 365 seats. Additionally, the Liberal Democrats won 72 seats, the Scottish National Party won nine seats and another 11 parties won between 1 and 7 seats each.These election results are undoubtedly an investment by the British people in the future, with many unique features. In the simplest analysis, Starmer won and Sunak lost.It is remarkable that the British voters decided to leave former Prime Minister Liz Truss, talented Conservative Jacob Rees-Mogg, Defence Secretary Grant Shapps, Justice Secretary Alex Chalk, Education Secretary Gillian Keegan, leading organiser of the ruling party in the House of Commons Simon Hart, much-loved and brave soldier Johnny Mercer, and Penny Mordaunt, who has been touted as a potential leader of the new era of Conservatives after Rishi Sunak, as well as former Culture Secretary Lucy Frazer and former Transport Secretary Mark Harper, out of office.In the Sri Lankan sense, all of these are significant ministers who once shouldered the responsibility of ruling the country from the House of Commons. For example, Penny Mordaunt could be the future leader of the Conservative Party. Amidst all the confusion, the arrival of Nigel Farage, who won more than 8,000 votes, to the House of Commons marks the rise of a third force. After failing seven times and succeeding on the eighth attempt, he is now the leader of a new force called Reform UK.Britain is a land of dreams that once ruled Sri Lanka, and today, many Sri Lankans aspire to live there. Despite this allure, even some local governments in that dreamland have recently displayed notices of bankruptcy. Rishi Sunak’s five-fold priorities have not been able to restore the country as expected. During his premiership, Sunak attempted to improve the economy and stabilise national politics. He outlined five key priorities: halving inflation, growing the economy, cutting debt, reducing NHS waiting lists and stopping illegal small-boat crossings of the English Channel by enacting the Rwanda asylum plan.However, the sight of Rishi Sunak smoothly and simply handing over power to Starmer was a beautiful one. Sunak looked forward like a captain navigating a stormy ocean, embodying a bright and noble character that people around the world will remember for some time to come.Staff at British HC The writer also received an invitation to visit the British High Commission in Colombo from 8:00 to 10:30 (Sri Lanka time) on the day the British election results were released at Westminster. This invitation was due to our engagement in election observation and research. We witnessed how the British staff working at the High Commission were ready to accept any election result with a smile and without fear.The officials of our missions abroad will not be the same. The defeat of the government in power means that they will also have to leave their positions. There is no impediment for them to serve the country for the three years or any other relevant period officially allotted to them. However, more than half of our diplomatic community are front-runners, eager to please the politicians of the ruling party without any conditions (a very small minority swim upstream).Our politicians, especially those looking to enter Parliament from the National List or hoping for a governorship or ambassadorship even when they directly lose elections, should take a moment to listen to Sunak’s farewell speech. There are valuable lessons in his graceful transition of power and his noble approach to leadership.He says:‘’………………To the country, I would like to say, first and foremost, I am sorry.I have given this job my all.But you have sent a clear signal that the Government of the United Kingdom must change……and yours is the only judgement that matters.I have heard your anger, your disappointment; and I take responsibility for this loss………..Even as Sunak the politician steps down, Great Britain will soon be healed by the spirit of Sunak the man. In contrast, we are mere voters in the chaotic death well in a circus called Sri Lanka, where senior figures cling stubbornly to power.

-By Manjula Gajanayake

The crossword puzzle section was a popular feature in the Weekend Newspaper in the past. While remnants of such puzzles can still be found in some newspapers today, their prominence has waned. The rise of Internet gaming, which has captivated the youth with its high-intensity allure, appears to have overshadowed these once-valued, intellectually stimulating activities like crossword puzzles.

Why remember a newspaper feature that’s fading into obscurity? Sri Lanka’s upcoming elections are, in a sense, like a complex crossword puzzle. Each challenge solved reveals new ones, some familiar and others difficult to navigate. The recent petitions filed before the Supreme Court and the ongoing crisis surrounding the appointment of the Acting Inspector General of Police have added to the intrigue for election enthusiasts. Amid these developments, there are moments of humour and amusement, highlighting the unpredictable nature of the electoral process.

The situation surrounding the annual nursing conference at the Maharagama Youth Council Auditorium may initially seem like a minor issue with no significant national implications regarding election law violations. However, its unexpected prominence in the national discourse raises questions.

Drawing a parallel to historical context, Julius Caesar, the greatest leader of his time, divorced his wife Pompeia, famously stating that “My wife ought not even to be under suspicion.” This principle, which suggests that a person’s reputation must be beyond reproach, is encapsulated in the saying, “Caesar’s wife must be above suspicion.”

In a similar vein, despite the specifics of election law, this principle is relevant to the team led by Comrade Anura Kumara Dissanayaka. The emphasis here is on maintaining a standard of integrity and transparency that ensures no suspicion surrounds their actions.

The National People’s Power (NPP) stands out as a compelling political force with a unique ability to draw organised crowds and generate mass appeal. This is evident when compared to other parties, such as the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP). For instance, a youth conference held near Nelum Pokuna in Colombo, organised by the SLPP, attracted hundreds of middle-class young people, many of whom were unaware it was a rally for the SLPP. The event featured performances by three popular music groups and was meticulously organised by Iraj, with expenditures likely surpassing Rs 10 million. The focus of current discussions is not to elaborate on this musical event, attention is now on the nursing community. Therefore, today, tomorrow and over the next 48 hours, the spotlight will not be on Iraj’s musical event. Instead, the focus will be on the nursing community, clad in official uniforms, advocating for an NPP Government. This has become the primary point of interest.

What’s the issue with this situation? There is no clear violation of election laws; the concern lies in the use of official uniforms at a political rally. As an election observer, it is essential to voice opinions on such matters. Comrade Anura Kumara Dissanayaka has previously questioned, both sarcastically and somewhat rudely, whether election observers have been inattentive for too long. Therefore, remaining silent and not expressing our views is not an option.

Since the Local Government Elections, the organisations PAFFREL and IRES, which we represent, have consistently documented and discussed the widespread illegal and unethical violations of election laws by the current government. We have raised these concerns despite numerous visible and hidden challenges. We acknowledge the sarcasm directed at us by NPP colleagues, who remained silent during these violations. We take this criticism with a grain of salt, understanding it as part of the natural course of discourse.

However, if Comrade Dissanayaka reviews the record of our two organisations over the past twelve months, it will be evident that we have not remained silent, despite the surprising or tacit silence of the NPP regarding these incidents.

This is the reality faced by election observers. When we challenge the current government, we may be vilified and deemed traitors, yet welcomed with open arms by the Opposition. However, once the Opposition gains power, our role is often reassessed with a more critical and authoritarian perspective. Thus, the criticism from both sides, whether from allies or adversaries, continually shapes and sustains our role in this complex landscape.

Returning to the main theme, while the event in question does not breach election laws, it involves a large assembly of nurses who have taken duty leave to attend. It is true that this is an annual conference of a trade union, and it’s true that the Maharagama Youth Centre was transformed by this unprecedented atmosphere. However, the ethical concern arises from whether it is appropriate for individuals on duty leave to participate in such a political campaign. If every trade union leader were to take leave and attend political rallies in their official uniforms, it could result in significant inconvenience for the average tax-paying Sri Lankan. This sets a troubling precedent. Just as Caesar’s wife was expected to be beyond suspicion, society expects Anura Kumara and the NPP to conduct his entire election campaign with the highest level of integrity and discipline.

Therefore, it is perplexing for them to question why election observers focus on their activities instead of addressing the more significant violations by government officials. Such statements are unbecoming of the NPP Leader and the party, reflecting a redundant opinion and misplaced criticism.

On the other hand, those exploiting the controversy over official uniforms should also scrutinise the criminal misappropriation of public funds by their own leaders. This issue has yet to be addressed adequately. The permission for this meeting was obtained from the Ministry of Health on 23 May, and it was granted on an official basis, including railway warrants. However, there is a fine line between taking leave to attend a trade union meeting and using official uniforms to support a political candidate. The current Constitution, Presidential Election Act No. 15 and other related laws do not sufficiently address the use of official uniforms during elections. Therefore, a future amendment to Article 25 of the Establishments Code should explicitly prohibit the use of official uniforms for political endorsements and related activities.

Both government employees and their official uniforms are considered public property during duty hours. Even outside of duty, the uniform remains a symbol of public service. For example, if a postman in uniform visits a location selling illegal moonshine, people might panic, mistaking him for a law enforcement officer. Hence, it is crucial to handle official uniforms with respect and avoid their misuse. We have also witnessed issues such as rice and land distribution and have not remained silent but have taken appropriate measures within our capacity.

Another crucial point is that trade unions do nothing for the development of the country apart from grandly promoting political candidates. If staff and executive-level officials with restricted or no political rights were present at such functions, they should be subject to disciplinary investigations by their respective institutions. Fortunately, the Election Commission is not embroiled in this issue, it already faces significant responsibilities.

However, politicians and comrades are human beings, and the election observers between the two groups are also human beings.

-By Manjula Gajanayake